SCOTUS Recap - The ACA and Alvarez Decisions

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By James Bowden

On June 28, 2012, the last day of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2011 term, saw a surprising and important decision handed down in National Federation of Independent Business et al. v. Sebelius, Secretary of Health and Human Services, et al., the challenge to the Affordable Care Act (the “ACA”). While most of the news media was focused on the decision in the ACA challenge, the Supreme Court also issued an opinion in U.S. v. Alvarez on the same day overturning the Stolen Valor Act of 2005 in a decision likely to become a key piece of the Court’s First Amendment jurisprudence.

I’m not going to attempt to provide incisive legal commentary on the ACA opinion - there is plenty of good commentary available with far more insight than I can muster, and frequent readers know that “incisive legal commentary” isn’t really what I do. I will go ahead and say that my predictions on the outcome of the ACA challenge were wrong.  Being wrong in my predictions puts me in good company, however - the decision surprised most court watchers. In an opinion authored by Chief Justice John Roberts, the Chief Justice joined what is commonly understood to be the more liberal members of the Court in upholding the majority of the ACA. The individual mandate, a key provision of the ACA which was the primary lightning rod for conservative criticism, was held constitutional under the federal government’s power to tax but not under the Constitution’s Commerce Clause. Interestingly, in evaluating the applicability of the Anti-Injunction Act heard in oral arguments, the Court held that the penalty for not purchasing insurance was not a “tax” for purposes of the Anti-Injunction Act; curious, considering the foothold found for the constitutionality of the individual mandate was held to be that the penalty was a permissible application of Congress’s power to tax. The portion of the opinion that most surprised me was the holding that the Medicaid expansion, which required states to abide by the increase in eligibility under Medicaid or lose all Medicaid funding, was unconstitutional as excessively coercive. A former professor of mine at Vanderbilt University Law School must be quite pleased with this holding - James Blumstein’s students should expect the subject matter to come up on future Constitutional Law II exams.

The opinion is really worth a read, even if it is a bit long, mostly because of the intended audience both the opinion and the dissent are clearly written for. Unlike many Supreme Court opinions, which focus on obscure and esoteric areas of law, the ACA opinion is written for consumption by the most novice of court watchers. The introduction to Chief Justice Robert’s opinion (and the corresponding dissent) cite opinions that first year law students (and even high school students taking classes on American Government) would be familiar: Marbury v. Madison, Gibbons v. Ogden and Wickard v. Filburn are all discussed. Waller’s very own Judge Alberto Gonzales was interviewed on America Live with Megyn Kelly, Morning Joe, and Anderson Cooper 360 regarding the opinion. Judge Gonzales was involved with vetting John Roberts when he was appointed to his current position by President Bush. Note to whoever does CNN’s webpage addresses - it is “Gonzales” with an “s.”

I’m a bit disappointed that the ACA ruling took the spotlight away from the decision in the Alvarez case. The respondent, Xavier Alvarez, kicked off his first meeting as a member of the Three Valley Water District in Claremont, California by telling the assembly that “Back in 1987, I was awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor.” It seems that Mr. Alvarez is quite the fabulist, and the statement that he had won the Congressional Medal of Honor, much like many of his other life stories (including that he had played for the Detroit Red Wings) was a lie. Unfortunately for Mr. Alvarez, under the Stolen Valor Act of 2005, lying about earning a Congressional Medal of Honor carries a penalty of not more than one year in prison.

I
n holding the Stolen Valor Act unconstitutional, the Court provides a significant advancement of the Court’s First Amendment jurisprudence. The opinion distinguishes simple lies from statements that are not protected by the First Amendment, including fraud, “fighting words,” inciting violence, and defamation. There are a good number of quotes from this opinion worth remembering; the majority opinion even gives a nod to George Orwell:

“Permitting the government to decree this speech to be a criminal offense, whether shouted from the rooftops or made in a barely audible whisper, would endorse government authority to compile a list of subjects about which false statements are punishable. That governmental power has no clear limiting principal. Our constitutional tradition stands against the idea that we need Oceania’s Ministry of Truth.”

This is the core of the Alvarez opinion: that allowing the government to punish statements simply for the fact that they are false gives the government the power to determine what is true. It is also an excellent opinion for readers in an era, as mentioned above, in which Supreme Court opinions are too often inaccessible to most readers. Justice William O. Douglas would be proud. I think it is worth noting that the dissent filed in the case was written by Justice Alito, which is in keeping with his more restrictive views on the protections afforded by the First Amendment. Here are two more great quotes from the opinion in parting:

“The remedy for speech that is false is speech that is true. This is the ordinary course in a free society. The response to the unreasoned is the rational; to the uninformed, the enlightened; to the straight-out lie, the simple truth.” 

          and 

“The Nation well knows that one of the costs of the First Amendment is that it protects the speech we detest as well as the speech we embrace.”

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Mr. Affordable Care Act Goes [Back] To Washington

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By James Bowden

The most eagle-eyed tourists visiting Washington D.C. for the 100th annual Cherry Blossom Festival might have noticed a line forming at One First Street. Starting on Friday of last week, court watchers and assorted activists took their place in line (or, alternatively, paid someone else to stand in line for them) for the opportunity to see oral arguments in the cases filed against the Affordable Care Act. They lined up early for a good reason; this case is effectively the Super Bowl of constitutional litigation, as the Supreme Court recognized when it allotted a nearly unprecedented six hours to oral arguments over three days.

The Affordable Care Act is a comprehensive piece of legislation aimed primarily at decreasing the rate at which U.S. spending on healthcare increases. It includes a host of regulatory schemes and pilot programs, including provisions implementing the concept of care delivery by 'Accountable Care Organizations,' banning healthcare insurers from excluding people because of preexisting conditions, banning the practice of rescission of health insurance by insurers except in cases of fraud, expanding Medicaid participation eligibility, creating health insurance 'exchanges' at the state level, and authorizing the Secretary of Health and Human Services to developed bundled payment plans to alter the dynamics of the current fee-for-service model of payment for healthcare by third-party insurers. However, the most controversial provision by far (with the possible exception of a completely fictitious provision establishing 'death panels') is the so-called 'individual mandate,' which requires all adults, with certain exceptions, to carry a minimum level of health insurance or pay a penalty come tax time every year.

The Supreme Court agreed to hear arguments on four issues from two cases from the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals challenging the Affordable Care Act, specifically National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius and Florida v. Department of Health and Human Services. The first case, filed by the National Federation of Independent Business and two individual plaintiffs who cannot be bothered to carry health insurance and want everyone to know it, argues that the individual mandate is an unconstitutional exercise of federal power to regulate interstate commerce. The other case, filed by the Attorney General of Florida and joined by the Attorneys General of twenty five other states, also argues that the individual mandate is unconstitutional, and adds a claim that the Medicaid expansion is an unconstitutional exercise of coercive power by the federal government over the states. The four issues that the Supreme Court will be hearing are (i) whether the suits are barred by the Anti-Injunction Act, (ii) whether the individual mandate is unconstitutional, (iii) whether the Medicaid expansion is unconstitutional, and (iv) if either the individual mandate or the Medicaid expansion is unconstitutional, whether they are severable from the Affordable Care Act or whether the Act in its entirety must be struck down.

The question regarding the Anti-Injunction Act is effectively a procedure question as to the ripeness of the suit. The Anti-Injunction Act prohibits courts from hearing cases seeing to restrain the IRS from assessing a tax; in order to challenge a tax, a taxpayer has to be assessed the tax, pay it, and then seek that the tax be refunded. The penalties for not carrying health insurance don't kick in until 2014, so the argument is whether the penalty associated with not carrying health insurance is a 'tax' or a 'penalty.' If they are a tax, the Supreme Court can't render a decision on the constitutionality of the individual mandate until the penalties for not carrying health insurance are imposed. I like to think of this as the Supreme Court's escape hatch.

The argument over the individual mandate is the big fish in this pond. Congress relied on its powers to regulate interstate economic activity under the Commerce Clause at Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution in passing the individual mandate. The plaintiffs allege that the individual mandate requires individuals to purchase a commercial product, which is a regulation of inactivity rather than economic activity, and is therefore beyond the scope of the Commerce Clause. The government argues that the refusal to carry health insurance is economic activity in the sense that in many circumstances a refusal to buy health insurance is effectively a demand by an individual that taxpayers pay their medical bills for them at some point in the future. The argument over the extent of the power granted by the commerce clause is nothing new; anyone who has been to law school is familiar with Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111 (1942), which held that growing wheat on one's farm for personal use is not beyond the reach of the power of the federal government under the Commerce Clause. Sharp law students understand Wickard v. Filburn as a demonstration that the judicial branch is subject to and conscious of the relationship between popular opinion and the ability of the courts to exercise their power; less sharp law students fondly remember Wickard v. Filburn as a demonstration that they are smarter and more true to the pure exercise of legal judgment than every member of the U.S. Supreme Court were one day in 1942.

That the Medicare expansion question was granted certiorari surprised me. Specifically, it is only the expansion of Medicaid and not the whole program itself that is being challenged. Medicaid itself appears to be comfortably constitutional as an exercise of the federal government's power to tax and spend under Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution. Complaining that Medicaid is coercive as applied to the states seems similar to complaining that the White House is white; it is true, but constitutionally irrelevant.

Finally, there's the question of the severability of either of the Medicare expansion or the individual mandate from the act. This question only comes up if the court finds that either provision is unconstitutional, but if it does come into play the entire Affordable Care Act hangs in the balance. Effectively, finding that a provision is so essential to the legislative scheme of the Act that the Act cannot function without it is a judicial undoing of the entire piece of legislation. I call this the Scorched Earth Holding. Just a little reminder, the private health insurance market before the Affordable Care Act was not functioning well at all, and indications were that, at least in some states, the marketplace had entered a death spiral. A United States without the Affordable Care Act may well soon become a United States without individual health insurance plans.

My prediction is going to disappoint you--I think SCOTUS might punt on this one. I honestly do not think that Kennedy is willing to strike down the entire Affordable Care Act, and I expect that Breyer, Ginsburg, Kagan, and Sotomayor will vote as a block for the constitutionality of each provision. While we will not be privy to the goings on in chambers, the more liberal wing does have quite a bit of leverage thanks to the severability issue; if any provision looks to have five votes against its constitutionality, they can all sign on to an opinion that the provision is not severable, thereby forcing the more conservative justices to have to go all-in on striking the entire Act down. I think it is worth noting that striking down an act duly passed by the legislature is always an act of judicial activism, regardless of the political stripe of the people supporting the holding.

But, then again, six hours of oral argument is an awful lot of sound and fury if the justices plan to simply reach a politically convenient detente. A decision that disappoints everyone, namely finding that the case can't be heard by virtue of the Anti-Injunction Act, might be the court's only chance at staying above the political fray in an election year; the question is whether the Supreme Court is actually chomping at the bit to dive into the fray full-force. Past practice says no, but the Roberts Court has signaled a willingness to render decisions that have by most measures changed long-standing precedents in American constitutional law (I'm thinking of the decisions in Citizens United v. FEC and District of Columbia v. Heller). Honestly, it's anyone's guess. And that anyone is probably named Anthony Kennedy.

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Ninth Circuit Rules Proposition 8 Unconstitutional Under Rational Basis Review

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By James Bowden

Breaking news out of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals: a three-judge panel has ruled California's controversial Proposition 8 unconstitutional. The most interesting aspect of the decision is the court's rejection of Proposition 8 as unconstitutional under rational basis review, the lowest standard of constitutional scrutiny: "Proposition 8 serves no purpose, and has no effect, other than to lessen the status and human dignity of gays and lesbians in California, and to officially reclassify their relationships and families as inferior to those of opposite-sex couples." That is a benchslap of somewhat epic proportions.

It is possible that review under the highest level of review, strict scrutiny, may have been appropriate here--the U.S. Supreme Court indicated that legislation regulating marriage and procreation "involves one of the basic civil rights of man" in Skinner v. State of Okl, ex rel. Williamson, 316 U.S. 535, 541 (1942). No matter, though, as a law found unconstitutional under rational basis review likely wouldn't stand a chance under the strict scrutiny standard.

The defendants in this case may now apply for rehearing en banc or may apply for a writ of certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court. Based on the politics surrounding the case, the smart money is on the latter.

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Restitution for Victims of North Carolina's Involuntary Sterilization Program Does Not Mark the End of American Eugenics Laws

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By James Bowden

On Tuesday, a task force in North Carolina concluded that it would request restitution of $50,000 from the North Carolina legislature to each of the estimated 1,500-2,000 living victims of the state's formal 45-year experiment with eugenics. As recently as 1974, people deemed "undesirable" by North Carolina authorities (most often minorities, women, the mentally ill, and the impoverished) were subjected to involuntary sterilization.

This is unfortunately just the last page of one chapter in the history of America's experimenting with the practice of eugenics. Much like the fact that almost 150 years after the ratification of the 13th Amendment the United States still struggles to annihilate human trafficking and slavery within its borders, most Americans are unaware of the history of eugenics and forced sterilization in the United States.

The practice also has a rather dark history with the U.S. Supreme Court, which, when given the opportunity, granted the practice purported constitutionality. In what was almost certainly the worst opinion of his career (and ranking as one of the worst decisions in the history of the Supreme Court, along with the Dred Scott case and Plessy v. Ferguson) Oliver Wendell Homes, Jr. declared that "three generations of imbeciles is enough," upholding the constitutionality of the sterilization of Carrie Buck, a Virginia woman who had been institutionalized as "feeble minded," in Buck v. Bell, 274 U.S. 200 (1927). Later scholarship indicates that Carrie had likely been raped by a successful doctor who employed her as his housekeeper and insisted on her being committed to protect himself, was institutionalized by her ne'er do well mother, and received ineffective assistance of counsel at trial from an attorney who had inexcusable conflicts of interest and who may have deliberately lost the case. Nonetheless, Carrie Buck lost her petition before the US Supreme Court in an eight-to-one decision and was sterilized against her will upon her return to Virginia. Her daughter, Emma, whom Holmes regarded as the third generation of imbeciles, was perfectly normal and did well in school. The eugenics expert that recommended Carrie’s sterilization went on to be honored by the Nazis for drafting Germany's "Race Hygiene" law, the direct legal progenitor of the Holocaust.

Following Buck v. Bell, eugenic sterilization laws were passed by an increasing number of states, and by 1956 27 states had sterilization laws on the books. Even after Skinner v. State of Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535 (1942) prevented the application of compulsory sterilization to convicted criminals under a statute that excluded white-collar crimes on equal protection grounds, the practice continued. Eugenics fell out of favor in the U.S. after the atrocities committed by the Nazis in the Holocaust and subsequent defenses raised by war criminals at Nuremburg, some of which cited American eugenics practices as evidence of the permissibility of genocide, but the statutes remained on the books across the country. In North Carolina, the practice continued until 1974. Oregon maintained a Board of Social Protection (f/k/a the Oregon Board of Eugenics) until 1983.

Here's the kicker--under existing American constitutional law, forced sterilization is technically constitutional. The most recent case, Poe v. Lynchburg Training School & Hospital, 518 F. Supp 789 (W.D. Va 1981), found that sterilization did not violate constitutional rights.  At least as a technical matter, the law of the land still tolerates the involuntary sterilization of some of the most helpless among us.

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Don't Worry about "Holiday Networking" – Make Connections and Have Fun!

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By Kathleen Pearson

So you made it through law school finals and headed home for the holidays.  Congratulations!  The only problem now is that your CSO (and everyone else for that matter) keeps telling you that you need to "network."  Whether you have a job lined up or not, that word keeps buzzing around like an annoying gnat.  Don’t they know you are wiped out and the mere thought of having to do something else is going to send you right over to the edge?? 

"Networking" has become one of those insidious corporate buzz words that seems to be the panacea of all problems anyone might ever face. Because it has an official name, it seems unattainable by anyone that is not a perfect conversationalist or social butterfly. The word itself now seems filled with an undercurrent of wanting to get something from the other person – i.e. a job.  That's a lot of pressure for both you and the other person!

Relax.  The holidays should not be filled with even more pressure and tasks.  It should be about having fun, reconnecting with old friends and family, and making new connections with interesting people.  Instead of focusing on networking, focus on connecting.

Just in case you have forgotten, here is a quick reminder of how to connect with others and have fun over the holidays:

  1. Go to a holiday party with friends and family. 
  2. Talk about your experiences in law school with friends and family
  3. Ask your friends and family what they have been up to
  4. Meet new people at the party and ask them about their interests
  5. Tell the new people about yourself and your interests
  6. Promise to keep in touch with the people you just talked to!
Add some music, food and perhaps a little egg nog, and you are well on your way to having fun and making connections with new people.  By recharging your batteries at home and talking about all those new experiences you just had in law school, you will come back to school refreshed and ready for a new semester. 

 

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After Successive Legal Victories, Occupy Nashville Holds On Tight

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By James Bowden

The Occupy Wall Street movement looks like it is waning, or at least hibernating for the winter. In New York, Zuccoti Park has been cleared out. The Occupy LA, Occupy Philadelphia, and Occupy Oakland encampments are gone. But if the movement is in retreat, no one told the Occupy Nashville folks camping out on Legislative Plaza, right outside my office doors. Winter is settling in, and over the last week we've had torrential rains and freezing temperatures, but they are still out there every morning when I get to work. Occupy Nashville is holding tight to their spot on Legislative Plaza after several interesting legal twists and turns. Their tenacity may make them a unique outfit within their movement.

Tents sprang up at the foot of the Tennessee State Capital early in October. Later that month, reports of all sorts of not-entirely-legal-or-appropriate behavior led Tennessee Governor Bill Haslam to impose a curfew on Legislative Plaza from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m. The curfew was announced the afternoon of October 27th. The Tennessee Highway Patrol (THP) arrested protesters early in the morning of October 28th for violating the curfew.

I think it is an understatement to say that it didn't go so well for the Governor and the THP. A Magistrate Judge first refused to hear the charges against the protesters on the grounds that the protesters were not given sufficient notice of the curfew, and released them for lack of probable cause. The THP tried to arrest protesters again at about midnight on October 28th; this time, Metro Night Court Judge Tom Nelson issued an epic benchslap – unable to identify any legal authority for the curfew, he again found no probable cause for their arrest and ordered all arrested protesters released. Release on a finding of no probable cause at arraignment is a very, very rare occurrence. Two in a row? Probably a record. To add insult to injury, the THP was called out for a less-than-covert attempt at infiltrating the encampment. Soon after the arrests, U.S. District Court Judge Aleta Trauger issued an injunction against enforcement of the curfew. A decision isn't expected until February at the earliest, but I expect it to be well read and well reported when it arrives.

So, the Occupy Nashville protesters are still there. I went down and walked around Legislative Plaza after work for a few minutes last night. It is a surprisingly well organized little encampment, with a mess tent, a first aid tent, a front office, and even a "social media" tent. The protesters are perfectly friendly, and happy to talk to anyone who will listen. I hope they stay warm and safe, have happy holidays, and are ready for their hearing next year.

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The [Surprise] Driver of U.S. Legal Policy

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By James Bowden

The United States' political system is controlled by two major political parties, one generally politically liberal and one generally politically conservative. That is the way we think of the political policy-making process: the left and the right fight for enactment of their policies and, ever so rarely, compromise. Query: what if the actual conflict implicit in the U.S. political and policy-making process wasn't the conflict between right or left, or rural versus urban, or racial, or any of the main dichotomies that we use to try to make sense of policy making. Here's the surprise: the main conflict is really generational. Presented in customary bullet-point format for your perusal:

  • The Wealth Gap. Forget the 1% versus the 99%. Even the fact that the top 1% of wage earners own more of the nation's financial wealth than the bottom 50%, or that in 2007 the top 1% of all income earners in the U.S. made 23.5% of all income, more than the entire bottom 50%. The starkest statistic is the difference between the change in wealth of the old and the new generations over the past several decades. Since 1984, older people have seen a 42% increase in their net wealth while their younger counterparts have experienced a 68% decrease. I sure hope they aren't planning to take it all with them. 
  • Debt and Taxes. For the past decade, tax increases have been the most-hated villain in Washington. Really, it goes back further than that. Since 1986, maximum marginal tax rates have been historically low, particularly compared to what the Greatest Generation paid. Over the same period, the U.S. debt has increased seven fold. The average baby boomer was between 22 and 40 in 1986; their prime income earning years have overlapped with an uninterrupted period of historically low taxation, over which period public debt exploded. Now the baby boomers are cashing out--the first of the baby boomers became eligible for Medicare and Social Security in 2011. They are retiring, and won't be paying in anymore. Guess who picks up the tab by default? 
  • The Fiscal Battle. We saw a battle over raising the debt ceiling this summer, and are facing sequestration if the “supercommittee” that resulted from the compromise fails to agree on cuts to federal spending in excess of $1 trillion. What is on the chopping block? The big losers are defense (which is a large employer of younger workers), education (which is supposed to provide the younger generation with opportunities), and spending on programs designed to reduce unemployment (which, as discussed below, effects the younger generation inordinately). What are the sacred cows? The spending items that are bringing the committee to loggerheads are entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare (which benefit the older generation effectively exclusively) and the possibility of raising taxes (which, as discussed above, has the effect of benefiting the older generation). 
  • The Cost of Success. The saying goes that there are two kinds of good debt--debt the incurrence of which produces a positive net change in wealth. One is a mortgage and the other is student debt. The saying is getting pretty difficult to stand behind these days. Grad PLUS loans are not dischargeable in bankruptcy and guaranteed by the most credit-worthy institution in the world--the full faith and credit of the United States of America. They carry an interest rate of 8.5%. The interest rate on the last car I bought was 7.1%. That means that in 2007 a non-dischargeable, absolutely guaranteed debt carried an interest rate 140 basis points higher that a dischargeable loan secured by a depreciating asset which was likely underwater the moment it rolled off the car lot. Since then, it has gotten worse--most interest rates have dipped over the past few years, but student loan rates are fixed. A person's cost of capital for a fancy new car is lower than for an education, and the average indebtedness of a law school grad is $100,000, which buys a pretty fancy car. Or two. Or three. That is insanity. 
  • The Tyranny of High Expectations. Just like every generation [allegedly] works to pass a better world on to their children, each generation is expected to make good use of the benefits they receive from the generation that went before them. I never thought I would do this, but I am going to paraphrase Cracked.com: members of the young generation were told they needed to go to school and work hard so they didn't have to flip burgers. Now that the younger generation has gone to school and worked hard, the economy is feeble, the impact of unemployment inordinately falls on them (young adults age 20-24 have an unemployment rate of 14% compared to 9% for the population overall and 7% for people over 55), and they are being criticized as entitled for ... you guessed it: not wanting to flip burgers.
Why does the conflict of generations matter? Think of the impact on public policy, including tax policy, entitlements policy, public finance, education and fiscal policy, just to name a few, if the debate is cast in the contrast of decisions' impacts on different generations. The next decades are going to see important legal developments involving the enforcement of promises made to the public through entitlement programs, the protection of wealth, and innovations in mechanisms for the passive investment in wealth-generating assets. If attorneys can advise their clients and legislators from a perspective of the benefits and detriments to them and their constituents based on the disparate impacts on generations, long-term results are likely going to be better for clients and everyone in general. If not, someone is definitely getting hosed.

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Thanks for the Teachable Moment

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By  James Bowden

Pop Quiz: does a hotel blatantly oppress an individual or a group’s right to freedom of speech by canceling a contract with an anti-Islamic organization seeking to hold a conference on the basis that it may cause interruptions to the hotel’s business? 

a)       No.

b)       Yes

c)       Both A and B

d)       Wait, what? 

If you went to law school and you answered B or C, you should probably seek a refund of your tuition money. Fact: private persons cannot violate the First Amendment guaranty of freedom of speech. The restriction only applies to state actors. But thank you for playing.

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A Note From London - Please File in the "Jeez, I Hope Not" Department

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By James Bowden

Working long hours sometimes is less than ideal – you can get to the point where all you feel like you do is work and sleep. Working long hours, though, is sort of a part of the shared experience of the law. At my firm we have all sorts of amenities on site that make working long hours easier, from an exercise room with showers to team dinners when things heat up to a service that can run errands for attorneys when we don’t have time to take care of things ourselves. But I do really like to sleep in my own bed.

Per this ABA journal article, some of the firms in the magic circle in London are so over the whole “attorneys going home to sleep” trend and accordingly are now offering accommodations – in the form of those funny little cubbyhole beds made famous by hotels in Tokyo, Japan. I have to say I am not a fan, and hope that this trend stays on the other side of the Atlantic. And, if such a thing does become common practice, I hope they find a way to make the sleeping pods look a little bit less like ovens.

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Does Rupert Murdock's News Corporation have a Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Problem?

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By James Bowden

Much noise is being made in the media over News Corporation’s British subsidiary The News of the World’s alleged hacking into the voice mail of a kidnapped English teen, and even the possibility of similar hacking into 9/11 victims’ voicemail. I’m curious why so little attention is being paid to the possibility that one of the worlds largest and most powerful corporations might be charged with multiple felonies by the U.S. Department of Justice. I’m pretty sure that News Corporation has taken note of the issue.

A little bit of background on the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act – in the late 1970s, the public got wind of U.S. corporations paying bribes to foreign officials. Lots of them. So, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, 15 U.S.C. §§ 78dd-1, et seq., was passed in 1977 to prohibit similar corporate bad behavior abroad in the future. The statute includes two major provisions: (i) adherence to accounting standards and required disclosure on filings with the S.E.C. designed to make under-the-table payments difficult to get away with, and (ii) a blanket prohibition on bribing foreign officials.

So the analysis: The News of the World, a News Corporation Subsidiary (editors note: if you had any doubt as to how huge News Corporation is, check out the length and breadth of its subsidiary list), allegedly paid multiple illegal bribes through its employees to officers in Scotland Yard in order to receive the benefit of non-public confidential information. Suffering Succotash! Sounds like an issue!

The experts seem to be indicating that a suit would be an uphill struggle, if not completely futile. The FCPA is rarely applied to actions taken in G20 countries (read: countries the D.O.J. considers competent to enforce the rule of law itself), and paying cops for information isn’t exactly an action that has previously been prosecuted under the FCPA. I think the most interesting argument is for due process (i.e., that there is no point in prosecuting acts done in Britain by British Citizens in concert with British officials in American courts), but making this an explicit limitation to the FCPA would eviscerate the statute – all a malfeasant company would need to do to avoid prosecution would be to make sure the bribe was paid by a local. The commentary does also note that the D.O.J. has recently been less gun shy about prosecuting companies under the FCPA.

Even if prosecution under the FCPA is unlikely, News Corporation is certainly lawyering up, and there is speculation that they will make a voluntary self disclosure to the S.E.C. and the D.O.J. And while I am not an expert on the FCPA, I know that while many companies survive, the consequences of a felony conviction for a U.S. company are potentially devastating. I also know what the term “willful blindness” means (ahem, James Murdock at 10:41 A.M.), and that it is no defense.

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